Being W Means Never Having to Say You're Sorry

Vindictiveness is far from the only character flaw of this president. Just as irresponsible and unacceptable in our democracy is his absolute unwillingness to admit wrong. George W. Bush and his handlers believe an aura of infallibility is an essential part of political strategy, an approach previously limited to the Vatican. From foreign policy and national security to domestic issues and the culture wars, this refusal to take responsibility for mistakes is posing an increasing danger for the country.

In April 1961, President Kennedy addressed the nation to accept responsibility for the Bay of Pigs disaster in Cuba (an operation he inherited and did not question from Eisenhower's administration and CIA). In that speech, he said, "There's an old saying that victory has 100 fathers and defeat is an orphan" and proceeded to state that responsibility for the debacle was his alone.

The contrast could not be more stark with February 2004 and President Bush's Iraqi weapons of mass destruction denial. As the Iraq Survey Group turned up no evidence of the weapons that he cited as the casus belli in his 2003 State of the Union speech (and seconded by Colin Powell at the UN on February 5th, 2003), the President said nothing. Facing the turnabout by David Kay, his former head of the ISG, Bush and his team admitted no error, instead laying the groundwork to blame the intelligence community. His abysmal 2004 State of the Union speech and subsequent statements have been ex post facto justifications for the removal of Saddam, citing not WMD, but humanitarian concerns and the need to liberate the Iraqi people.

Facing mounting public pressure, only on February 6th did he name a panel to investigate U.S. intelligence capabilities, naming as its chairman Laurence Silberman, a well-known right wing partisan who as a district judge overturned the convictions of Oliver North and John Pointdexter, and later supported the Arkansas Operation against Bill Clinton. The panel, of course, is not to deliver its findings until March 2005, limiting potential damage to the president during his reelection campaign. Apparently, understanding the reasons for the loss of over 500 American soldiers, the expenditure of over $100 billion, an armed services stretched to the breaking point, and an Iraqi occupation on the brink of disaster is not a subject for the American electorate.

The September 11 commission has followed a similar story line. President Bush initially opposed the commission, only giving in to public pressure, especially from victims' families. His initial appointment as chairman, Henry Kissinger, the mastermind of the secret invasion of Cambodia, eventually withdrew, due to concerns over potential conflicts of interest with his consulting clients. Forced to accept a more moderate chairman in former Republican governor of New Jersey Tom Kean, the administration has stonewalled at every turn. Its obstruction has included delays in providing documents, the refusal to turn over the president's daily intelligence briefings, and worst of all, refusing to extend the commission's life beyond May 2004. Again, the president caved to public pressure, though only agreeing to a 60-day extension that would keep the commission's findings out of the election.

The Wilson/Plame episode shows all the same hallmarks. The administration dragged its feet, President Bush saying only that he wanted to get to the bottom of the matter and identify the leakers. The White House even bought a mysterious 24-hour reprieve from the Justice Department request for all email communications. Later, Attorney General Ashcroft recused himself from the affair.

In no case did the administration ask for, or even contemplate, an independent counsel. The Bush administration, though, can be credited with a sense of urgency in addressing one of its scandals. With the revelations by Paul O'Neill in his 60 Minutes interview regarding the Ron Suskind book "The Price of Loyalty", the Treasury Department commenced an investigation the next day. In this case, the probe was looking into how O'Neill may have acquired confidential documents and what actions to take in response against him and the book's author.

1. Hell Hath No Fury Like a W Scorned
2. Being W Means Never Having to Say You're Sorry
3. Secrets and Lies